DEAD PARROT BULLETIN, 5/9/04

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Dead Parrot Bulletin, visit

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THE FUTURE OF A DELUSION

I wasn't going to write about the abuse of the Iraqi prisoners, which seemed on the one hand to be beyond the reach of language and on the other to speak for itself. However, the message may not be so clear if we are to judge by some fanciful interpretations now taking root in the richly manured field of American politics. These demand to be answered.

1. The photos are fakes.

Even Donald Rumsfeld, whose weakness for wishful fabrication ("we know exactly where the WMD's are") is well established, has chosen not to go this route. There are just too many witnesses. Nevertheless, the spirit of flat-out denial dies hard among Bush enthusiasts in the "heartland." Boston Globe reporter Anne Kornblut interviewed two of them in Dubuque, where they were waiting for Bush's "Yes, America Can" bus to roll into town (5/9). Frank Kennedy told Kornblut, "They looked fake to me." Franciska Redmond eagerly grasped the straw: "You know, I saw it on Fox and I said the same thing to my husband. How do you get a camera into a prison, anyway?" The addled but rather poignant premise of Redmond's question is that the photos must have been concocted by Iraqis eager to smear Americans. The truth--that they were taken by Americans eager to commemorate their domination of Iraqis--has not even occurred to her.

2. The mistreatment was no more serious than your average fraternity prank.

This is the position taken by Rush Limbaugh, who told his 20 million listeners on Tuesday that the scenes in the photos were "no different than what happens at the Skull & Bones initiation" (Globe, 5/9). Working his way in deeper, Limbaugh said, "I'm talking about people having a good time...You ever heard of emotional release? You ever heard of need to blow some steam off?" Exactly how much Limbaugh knows about Skull & Bones remains unclear, and reports that young George Bush blew off some steam by branding pledges with heated coat hangers do spring to mind. That the army and its civilian hirelings behaved like drunken frat boys would not seem to be the strongest line of defense, and one hopes that most initiations do not end with the initiates being sodomized or murdered, as several of the prisoners were. In any case, there is a name for emotional release achieved by inflicting physical pain or humiliation on others. It is called sadism.

3. Abusing prisoners is not the "American way."

Quite to the contrary, abusing prisoners is a staple of "discipline" in the American penal archipelago. According to the NY Times (5/8), in the past 25 years no fewer than 40 state prison systems "have been under some form of court order, for brutality, overcrowding, poor food or lack of medical care." (Over that same period, the number of inmates has quadrupled, and it now stands at 2.1 million.) Governor George W. Bush's Texas was among the worst states in this respect; a federal judge had to intervene in 1999 after learning that guards colluded with inmates in a brisk sex-slave trade.

A direct thread of personnel connects the doings at Abu Ghraib to this American tradition. The American who revamped and reopened Saddam's hell-hole was Lane McCotter of Management & Training Corporation, a private corrections firm with 13 prisons in its stable. Before he went into business, McCotter had, in 1997, been forced out as director of the Utah Corrections Department when a schizophrenic inmate died after being shackled naked to a restraining chair for 16 hours. With such a resume, McCotter evidently seemed a natural when John Ashcroft was putting together a team of law enforcement types to tutor backward Iraqis on the concept. Announcing his appointments, Ashcroft said, "Now all Iraqis can taste liberty in their native land, and we will help make that freedom permanent by assisting them to establish an equitable criminal justice system based on the rule of law and standards of basic human rights."

McCotter stayed in Iraq just long enough to get the renovated Abu Ghraib up and running and denies any connection with what happened afterward. He is not, however, the only link between American and Iraqi prisons. As reported by Seymour Hersh in the New Yorker (5/10), two of the seven enlisted men and women who have so far been charged with abuse, Staff Sergeant Ivan "Chip" Frederick and Specialist Charles Graner, "were put in charge because they were civilian prison guards and had knowledge of how things were supposed to be run."

4. The soldiers who carried out the abuse did not receive sufficient training.

It is hard to imagine what training would have been sufficient. Would it have been sufficient, for example, to say, "You must not strip the prisoners naked, hood them, force them to form a human pyramid, and then stand there leering and gesturing gleefully; and if you do, you certainly should not take any pictures"? Common sense suggests that only training so rigorous as to verge on complete desensitization could induce ordinary people to carry out such carefully calibrated and elaborately staged rituals of humiliation. We can be sure that the Abu Ghraib Seven will now be savagely scapegoated by their superiors; we can be equally sure that they committed their crimes at the behest of superiors who wanted the prisoners softened up for subsequent interrogation and had given careful thought to the most effective physical and psychological methods of doing so.

5. George W. Bush is not responsible.

Tame pundits like the Times's Thomas Friedman solemnly intone that Bush must restore our honor by sacking Rumsfeld--as if Bush and Rumsfeld were not merely two facets of the same dark stone. Bush is responsible for the prison abuse not only because it occurred on his watch but also because he has set both the tone and the concrete conditions for it. By repeatedly dividing the world into saints and evil-doers, he has legitimized violence against anyone unlucky enough to be swept up in the American net. By stubbornly mongering an unnecessary war, he has unleashed the brutality that every war brings. The damage he has caused us in the eyes of the world is incalculable. What remains to be seen is whether he can still ride the myth of American innocence--our smart bombs! our love of freedom!--to victory in November. The revelations of Abu Ghraib should make it just a little bit harder.

 

MACHINE GUN DICK

We quote without comment the following story, which appeared recently on the right-wing web site NewsMax.com:

Dick Cheney is a proud gun owner and hunter.

In April the Vice President addressed the NRA to wild cheers and acknowledged his own interest in guns.

But a source close to the White House tells NewsMax that Dick Cheney is a true gun aficionado.

Cheney's collection, our sources say, is in the hundreds of guns, including pistols, shotguns and machine guns -- from antique Thompsons to the most modern European automatic machine guns.

To let off some steam (God knows he has some to let off these days), the Vice President has been known to go out to the federal training center in Maryland where the Secret Service does its own gun practice.

A typical Cheney visit, told to us by a person who attended one, included the Vice President bringing some 30 guns from his own collection.

On the ranger [sic], Cheney would blow away his targets -- with Thompson machine guns, the latest German and Austrian machine guns, Lugars [sic], MP5s, shot guns, you name it.

One after another an aide would hand the Vice President his latest armament, and Cheney would fire away, no doubt imagining al-Qaeda terrorists in his gun sights.

We're told Cheney is a good shot to boot.

Cheney is not shy about his shooting activities. Another Cheney friend tells us that at the Cheneys' Christmas party last year he showcased to guests a video of himself shooting while hunting.

[ http://www.newsmax.com/images/bluepixel.gif ]

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DP REVIEWS One of America's most cherished myths about itself is that its excursions abroad are invariably disinterested and benign. When we go, we go not to dominate and exploit but to bring, as missionaries of democracy, the gift of our own goodness to backward parts. Even as he lobbied for the annexation of the Philippines, Teddy Roosevelt insisted that there was not an imperialist to be found among us. The Filipinos were skeptical, and some 200,000 resistance fighters laid down their lives, taking 4234 American soldiers with them, before U.S. rule was firmly established in 1903. According to Chalmers Johnson in The Sorrows of Empire (Henry Holt, 2004), the spectators most impressed by our "liberation" of the Philippines--and by the ideas of racial superiority and manifest destiny that we used to rationalize it--were the Japanese, who learned their lesson so well that they began applying it throughout East Asia three decades later. Chalmers Johnson will never become president of the United States: he is not optimistic enough. Unlike the upbeat warriors Reagan and Bush, he declines to believe that scattering cluster bombs and installing compliant governments in faraway lands will have a happy ending. In Blowback (written before 9/11 and reviewed in Dead Parrot #19), he parsed American foreign policy in light of the maxim that one reaps what one sows. The new book takes the same inescapable premise and develops it in greater scope and depth, incorporating the richly depressing material that the past three years have provided. The key to Johnson's argument is that empire in the American mode is in fact different from empires past. It is an empire not of colonies but of military bases--725 of them, by the Pentagon's own reckoning, outside of the territorial United States. These bases are both a projection of and a self-perpetuating justification of U.S. militarism. While they assert our power on every continent, their insatiable need for men and equipment creates a suction that deeply deforms our society and its economy; and the provocation that they present to those who resent our presence foments the troubles that in turn provide the rationale for more bases, more men, and more materiel. Pretty as it would be to believe that we are garrisoning bastions of freedom, the fact is that we are delighted to cut basing deals with the most corrupt and tyrannous dictators. Our cultivation of Saddam Hussein in the 1980's and subsequent disenchantment have taught us nothing; for the sake of an air base at Khanabad, President Islam Karimov of Uzbekistan, whose human rights record rivals Saddam's, is entertained at the White House. With his reputation for boiling dissidents alive, Karimov can promise a quiet environment. Perhaps our ideal base, however, is Diego Garcia, in the Indian Ocean, which has no local population to raise a ruckus: the British deported all of them prior to turning the island over to us. One of Johnson's strongest chapters is his examination of the war in Iraq. One by one, he considers both the administration's own talking points and critics' interpretations of the actual motives. Conceding that several missions--to secure oil supplies, to appease Israel, and to turn war fever to domestic political advantage--were important, Johnson argues that the fundamental impetus was systemic momentum--"the inexorable pressures of imperialism and militarism." To underline the point, he quotes a prescient column by Jay Bookman of the Atlanta Journal-Constitution: "Why does the administration seem unconcerned about an exit strategy from Iraq once Saddam is toppled? Because we won't be leaving. Having conquered Iraq, the United States will create permanent military bases in that country from which to dominate the Middle East..." That empire is a sorrowful business for the subject peoples hardly needs to be demonstrated. The point toward which Johnson drives his book is that it will ultimately prove a misery for the imperial power. In his final chapter, he lists four "sorrows" that he considers likely to end our country's history as a constitutional republic: 1) a state of perpetual war fueled by a cycle of grievance and revenge; 2) an erosion of democracy and constitutional rights; 3) a poisoning of the public discourse by propaganda, disinformation, and jingoism; 4) the impoverishment of social programs as military spending drags us toward fiscal collapse. Johnson provides detailed illustration of all these trends, and our newspapers bring more every day. While an optimist might persist in telling us that the glass is half full, we must face the truth: that it is about to shatter in our hands. esktop Folder:documents:political:dead parrot:dp bulletin 6/11/04 IT Services OMacintosh HD:Desktop Folder:documents:political:dead parrot:dp bulletin 6/11/04 IT Services OMacintosh HD:Desktop Folder:documents:political:dead parrot:dp bulletin 6/11/04@]]0n]TM|%+T]  @@A>@\*@A@A/@A>@A/@AB@@4@@F@GTimes New Roman5Symbol3 Arial;Helvetica3Times9New York"1hKfQZ)  $0d]DEAD PARROT BULLETIN, 5/9/04 IT Services IT Services  FMicrosoft Word DocumentNB6WWord.Document.8 ՜.+,D՜.+,T hp  'Milton Academyd  DEAD PARROT BULLETIN, 5/9/04 Title 8@ _PID_HLINKS'Apj}http://www.dead-parrot.com/x Oh+'0|  8 D P\dlt'DEAD PARROT BULLETIN, 5/9/04MiEAD IT Services ULLT SNormali IT Services ULL28SMicrosoft Word 8.0N@6@M@DRM@QOelf-perpetuating justification orwith him DyK http://www.dead-parrot.comyK 8http://www.dead-parrot.com/Root Entry FOEData  1TableWordDocumentJD [!"#$%&'*,-./@ABCDFGKUVWXYZ\]^_`abcISummaryInformation( DocumentSummaryInformation8 CompObjX0Table+E [0@0NormalCJOJQJmH <A@<Default Paragraph Font(U@( Hyperlink>*B*>!   3UY TU01|}!!!!!!!! !!!! !!!!!!U01|}`C"##Unknown IT Services English Department_X]b | U]fnELehw x  i ^qRRKp IT Services NMacintosh HD:Desktop Folder:documents:political:dead parrot:dp bulletin 6/9/04 IT Services NMacintosh HD:Desktop Folder:documents:political:dead parrot:dp bulletin 6/9/04 IT Services NMacintosh HD:Desktop Folder:documents:political:dead parrot:dp bulletin 6/9/04 IT Services NMacintosh HD:Desktop Folder:documents:political:dead parrot:dp bulletin 6/9/04 IT Services NMacintosh HD:Desktop Folder:documents:political:dead parrot:dp bulletin 6/9/04 IT Services NMacintosh HD:Desktop Folder:documents:political:dead parrot:dp bulletin 6/9/04 IT Services OMacintosh HD:Desktop Folder:document ,#jbjbjj B ]4  `(>>>>>>>  ,$ >>>>>$ >>V>>> ,,> <   DEAD PARROT BULLETIN, 6/11/04 For back issues of Dead Parrot and Dead Parrot Bulletin, visit  HYPERLINK http://www.dead-parrot.com http://www.dead-parrot.com REMEMBERING RON The maudlin spasm that has gripped our country since Ronald Reagan's death is a natural and appropriate requiem for the man who perfected sentimentality as an instrument of power. The first step in such a program is to privilege feeling, which flows more or less automatically when the right stimulus is applied, over thought, which is slow and taxing and likely to raise awkward questions. Reagan understood from his own experience the power of the emotional reflex: he is said to have wept at his own campaign commercials, and he knew that a few simple images (say, a sunstruck cornfield with stars and stripes dissolving in), if coupled with the right music (Stephen Foster? Sousa?) and the right slogan ("It's morning in America"), could evoke a swelling in the throat that would cut off blood to the brain before it thought to ask about the decline in real wages or the wisdom of subverting democratic regimes in Central America. One of the missions of sentimentality is to make us feel better, a palatable alternative to actually becoming better or having to face unpleasant reality. According to Reagan's daughter Patti Davis (Boston Globe, 6/7), her father addressed the children's grief over a dead bird by "explaining that birds continue to fly in heaven after death." Though we must grant a man the right to lay such dubious treacle on his own family, fairy tales of this sort have no place in political discourse. But Reagan's paternalism observed no boundaries, and the public remained, for the most part, as credulous as a five-year-old. When people worried about the lack of nutrition in school lunches, Reagan "explained" that ketchup was a vegetable. When people worried about the smoke from factories and power plants, he "explained" that trees were the real cause of pollution. When people worried about the enormous arms buildup, he "explained" that he would develop a missile defense system to keep them safe. (No doubt a battalion of dead eagles, trained as interceptors and commanded by God himself, would be dispatched at the critical moment.) Much ink has been spilled in the past week over whether George W. Bush is Reagan's spiritual heir. To me, the case seems open and shut. Who but Reagan, by unleashing a U.S. armada against a pathetic Caribbean microdot, taught Bush the political value of an unnecessary war on a pushover enemy? Who but Reagan, with his denigration of government and his rambling fables about welfare queens, laid the groundwork for Bush's tax-cutting rhetoric and its callous subtext? Who but Reagan, in meticulously scripted formal appearances such as the D-Day speech and in equally staged "informal" ones out at the ranch, showed that image trumps everything and thus paved the way for the carrier landing and similar Rovian phantasmagoria? If we now have government by son-et-lumiere, we are much indebted to Ronald Reagan for t2=CW_`- 2 "iqJf##*>T@ >*PJnH PJnH 0J#jCJOJPJQJUnH jCJOJPJQJUnH >*CJOJPJQJnH CJOJPJQJnH C_^_ TU)*uv"""C_^_ TU)uv!!!!"&"1"F"K"""""""""""# 4""#/ =!"#$%puppets:political:dead parrot:dp bulletin 6/11/04 IT Services OMacintosh HD:Desktop Folder:documents:political:dead parrot:dp bulletin 6/11/04 IT Services OMacintosh HD:Desktop Folder:documents:political:dead parrot:dp bulletin 6/11/04 IT Services OMacintosh HD:Desktop Folder:documents:political:dead parrot:dp bulletin 6/11/04@0nM%+T] iFWZdop@@A>@\*@A@A/@A>@A/@AB@@4@ABAA@ABAA@A BAB@A B@ABAB@AB@A4BAC@AvD@ARBAXBAD@AlBAnBABABABACA$CAD@@E@@F@GTimes New Roman5Symbol3 Arial;Helvetica3Times9New York"1hKfgZ>  $0d]DEAD PARROT BULLETIN, 5/9/04 IT Services IT Services  FMicrosoft Word DocumentNB6WWord.Document.8 ՜.+,D՜.+,T hp  'Milton Academyd  DEAD PARROT BULLETIN, 5/9/04 Title 8@ _PID_HLINKS'Apj}http://www.dead-parrot.com/x Oh+'0|  8 D P\dlt'DEAD PARROT BULLETIN, 5/9/04MiEAD IT Services ULLT SNormali IT Services ULL29SMicrosoft Word 8.0N@/P@DRM@aTO ,fear,,, and profit-takingour way of lifefresh tidings What will the optimists do when they awake one morning to find their famous half-full glass lying shattered on the floor? <#jbjbjj D]442222 >h_`  ,  F^VFFF ,, F>F R h2  [0@0NormalCJOJQJmH <A@<Default Paragraph Font(U@( Hyperlink>*B*>!   3UY TU&'!!!!!!!! !!!! !U&'r*>"##Unknown IT Services English Department_X]b | U]%+fn;Bwehw x  i ^qRQA IT Services NMacintosh HD:Desktop Folder:documents:political:dead parrot:dp bulletin 6/9/04 IT Services NMacintosh HD:Desktop Folder:documents:political:dead parrot:dp bulletin 6/9/04 IT Services NMacintosh HD:Desktop Folder:documents:political:dead parrot:dp bulletin 6/9/04 IT Services NMacintosh HD:Desktop Folder:documents:political:dead parrot:dp bulletin 6/9/04 IT Services NMacintosh HD:Desktop Folder:documents:political:dead parrot:dp bulletin 6/9/04 IT Services NMacintosh HD:Desktop Folder:documents:political:dead parrot:dp bulletin 6/9/04 IT Services NMacintosh HD:Desktop Folder:documents:political:dead parrot:dp bulletin 6/9/04 IT Services NMacintosh HD:Desktop Folder:documents:political:dead parrot:dp bulletin 6/9/04 IT Services OMacintosh HD:Desktop Folder:documents:political:dead parrot:dp bulletin 6/11/04 IT Services OMacintosh HD:Desktop Folder:documents:political:dead parrot:dp bulletin 6/11/04@++0nEE+%M4%+@@A>@\*@@F@GTimes New Roman5Symbol3 Arial;Helvetica3Times9New York"qhKfOZ'  $20d]DEAD PARROT BULLETIN, 5/9/04 IT Services IT Services DEAD PARROT BULLETIN, 6/11/04 For back issues of Dead Parrot and Dead Parrot Bulletin, visit  HYPERLINK http://www.dead-parrot.com http://www.dead-parrot.com REMEMBERING RON The maudlin spasm that has gripped our country since Ronald Reagan's death is a natural and appropriate requiem for the man who perfected sentimentality as an instrument of power. The first step in such a program is to privilege feeling, which flows more or less automatically when the right stimulus is applied, over thought, which is slow and taxing and likely to raise awkward questions. Reagan understood from his own experience the power of the emotional reflex: he is said to have wept at his own campaign commercials, and he knew that a few simple images (say, a sunstruck cornfield with stars and stripes dissolving in), if coupled with the right music (Stephen Foster? Sousa?) and the right slogan ("It's morning in America"), could evoke a swelling in the throat that would cut off blood to the brain before it thought to ask about the decline in real wages or the wisdom of subverting democratic regimes in Central America. One of the missions of sentimentality is to make us feel better, a palatable alternative to actually becoming better or having to face unpleasant reality. According to Reagan's daughter Patti Davis (Boston Globe, 6/7), her father addressed the children's grief over a dead bird by "explaining that birds continue to fly in heaven after death." Though we must grant a man the right to lay such dubious treacle on his own family, fairy tales of this sort have no place in political discourse. But Reagan's paternalism observed no boundaries, and the public remained, for the most part, as credulous as a five-year-old. When people worried about the lack of nutrition in school lunches, Reagan "explained" that ketchup was a vegetable. When people worried about the smoke from factories and power plants, he "explained" that trees were the real cause of pollution. When people worried about the enormous arms buildup, he "explained" that he would develop a missile defense system to keep them safe. (No doubt a battalion of dead eagles, trained as interceptors and commanded by God himself, would be dispatched at the critical moment.) Much ink has been spilled in the past week over whether George W. Bush is Reagan's spiritual heir. To me, the case seems open and shut. Who but Reagan, by unleashing a U.S. armada against a pathetic Caribbean microdot, taught Bush the political value of an unnecessary war on a pushover enemy? Who but Reagan, with his denigration of government and his rambling fables about welfare queens, laid the groundwork for Bush's tax-cutting rhetoric and its callous subtext? Who but Reagan, in meticulously scripted formal appearances such as the D-Day speech and in equally staged "informal" ones out at the ranch, showed that image trumps everything and thus paved the way for the carrier landing and similar Rovian phantasmagoria? If we now have government by son-et-lumiere, we are much indebted to Ronald Reagan for t2=CW_`- 2 "iqJf##*>T@`C >*PJnH PJnH 0J#jCJOJPJQJUnH jCJOJPJQJUnH >*CJOJPJQJnH CJOJPJQJnH C_^_ TU)*uv"""C_^_ TU)uv!!!!"&"1"F"K"""""""""""# 4""#/ =!"#$%puppetelf-perpetuating justification orwith him